Description of the Bialystock Pogrom
1906 - 1907
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In 1906, the U.S. Government sent immigration inspector Philip Cowen on an undercover mission to the Pale of Settlement in Russia (St. Petersburg, Kief, and Odessa) to discover the cause of increased Jewish immigration from Russia to the United States.
His findings revealed appalling and unremitting persecution of Russian Jews. Since 1882, the May Laws forced Jews out of their homes and required them all to live in the Pale of Settlement. Crowded into this small area of Russia, the Jews struggled to find jobs and pay rising rent prices.
Most tragic of all is Cowen’s description of the 637 pogroms—targeted attacks on Jews—committed against the Russian Jews. During these pogroms, entire Jewish cities were ransacked and destroyed while hundreds of Jews were brutally murdered. Cowen writes of these attacks through the stories of eyewitnesses who survived the pogroms.
This is one section of
Cowen’s report. It describes the Bialystock pogrom of 1906. Cowen wrote: “It lasted from 11 to 6:30PM. The police stood by but sought not to check the awful work, rather encouraging it… The killing was barbarous...” Photos of homes riddled with gun shots provide a further insight into these terrible events. “The houses looked as if an enemy had gone through the town, its way fought step by step. Scarcely a house occupied by a Jew escaped riddling…”
Additional sections of the report use poignant pictures and narration, to tell about difficult living conditions and economic hardship for Jews in Russia, and describe other pogroms. To escape such persecution, Jews sought to immigrate to America. But by accompanying Jewish immigrants on their journey to escape Russia, Cowen found out that Jewish persecution did not end with their departure. Jews were repeatedly charged double or triple the cost of passports and boat tickets to America.
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11. Some Pogrom Cities: Bialystock And Siedlce Kalarash [Underlined]
In the early part of this report reference is made to the fact that the large immigration to the United States from Russia is due to the rioting that has gone on, mainly against the Jews, for some years past. It is also stated there that these riots, or pogroms, as they are called, have been the work of government officials.
The statement is a serious one to make, and I felt that it was my duty to get some personal information on the ground to justify the statement. I had already in the possession certain documents of an official character charging the origin of the pogroms to public officials. These were,
I The address of Prince Wrusoff before the Duma.
II Report of the Duma Commission on the Bialystock Pogrom.
(Of both of these I have been submitted the original printed official stenographic proceedings, to be translated and made exhibits 9 and 10.)
III The letter of Mr. Lopuchin, formerly Director of Police, Exhibit I.
IV Official documents of the Senate of the Empire: This is a volume of 400 pages, of which I have the advance sheets. While the government has permitted these to be printed in Russia it will not allow the work to be sold or given away, or taken outside the work to be sold or given away, or taken outside of the Empire. The sheet I have are, I am
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assured, the only set that has gone out of Russia. This volume, printed in Russian from copies made from the originals on file at the Senate Archives, include the following documents:
a. investigation and Recommendation of Senator Kugminsky concerning Police Chief Niedhard [handwritten correction switching i and e to spell Neidhard] and the Odessa Riots of October-November, 1905
b. Report to the Czar of Senator E. Turan on the doings in Kieff.
c. Senate Documents in the case of P.G. Kurloff, Governor of Minsk.
d. Documents concerning the Pogrom in Homel.
Two riots having taken place recently, one in Bialystock just before I left home and the other, Siedlce, while I was in Germany, I visited both places.
Bialystock [underlined]
July 30th, 1905 there was a riot in Bialystock, provoked by the attitude of the soldiers towards a number of Jewish workmen. The outcome was the killing of a workman. In revenge some associates fired a bomb, when the soldier patrol began shooting up and down the street, at Jewish houses and people passing by, from 2:30 till 6 in the afternoon. The result was 38 killed, all of whom were Jews. There was no plundering at all. It was simply a Jew-hunt for revenge, and the local authorities made no effort to interfere, the police standing by while the soldiers were shooting.
The pogrom of 1906 was an altogether different affair. Ample advance notice was given of its occurrence, yet were
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no steps taken to prevent it. As early as the first days of May was it spoken of. On May 26, the Police Chief Deckacheff, who was beloved by the Jews, was shot. How or why was never proven. The claim was made by the soldiers that the Jews killed him. So friendly was he to them that he was called the Jewish Police Chief. Therefore this charge was ridiculous. The sought to put a wreath upon his coffin, which the police refused to permit. To one of the JEwish committeemen, Dr. Pigrotsky, Lieut. Sherometoff said frankly they would not allow them to put a wreath upon the coffin because the Jews would spill blood on the ground and cover it with flowers. "But you will bite the dust", said he, "and it will happen in two days". Being clear that the pogrom was about to come, a deputation was sent to the Governor at Grodno to complain of the words of Lieut. Sherometoff and his associates, and said that it meant clearly that a pogrom was at hand. The Governor said: "I cannot compel the police to deter their nature; they are terrorized enough. As to this pogrom, I think it will not eventuate, and if it does break out I will take strong steps to wipe it out. That I do only as my duty. That is, if the telephones are not destroyed, which is likely to happen. Nor can I always count upon my men, so that altogether I cannot say how they will act, nor can I issue orders that I know would not be executed to avoid or crush the pogrom".
The deputation reported to the people, and the movement to get away from Bialystock started immediately. Many of the people sent their families to Grodno for safety. I asked my informants, Dr L Pinnes and Rabbi
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Mohileiver, why the Christians didn't protest, and I was told because they could not believe it possible to happen and knew the futility and danger of interfering if it was to take place.
On Thursday, June 1st, the people gathered in the streets in shoals to witness the Greek-Catholic procession As it passed Alexander St the police shouted that there was the spot where the bomb had been fired, and they could not allow the procession to pass. There there was an explosion in the neighborhood and the cry went up that the Jews had thrown a bomb and killed a holy father. The crown waited for no proof--there was no father killed or injured--and turned on the Jews to shoot them, and the Jewish houses to loot them. The soldiers in charge ordered the people out of the houses, and compelled the Jews to go to one side and the rest to the other side so they would not be injured, and fired on the Jews. It was the Wladisnask Regiment that did the work. About the only Christian killed was one Dickar who wanted to save a Jew from his fate, when the soldiers turned on him and killed hime. Then began the plundering, which became general in Institute Strasse and Deutsche Strasse. This was but the beginning. I tlasted from 11:30 to 6 P.M. The police stood by but sought not to check the awful work, rather encouraging it. Then fire broke out in Landwa St.
June 2nd began with a fearful cannonading on Nicolai St. and plunder and murder were the order of the day at Alter Boyer, Nicholai St, Neue Chassee St. and the railroad station where people had been killed the day before. The killing was barbarous; nails were driven into the
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heads of the people, their bones were broken in their hand and bodies, and then they were clubbed to death with rifles. This went on all day. The killed that day were estimated at 90. Then Schneidermuhl Hof was set on fire.This was a large wooden building to which many had fled for safety, and here they were burned to death. During the evening shooting resounded all over the city and continued till Saturday night, June 3d. Cannonading was kept up all night. On Sunday the awful work continued and ended only when it was announced that the committee- sent by the Duma had arrived. Finding impossible to get relief, members of the Duma, then in session, were telegraphed to take some action.
How far the control of the situation was in the hands of the authorities is indicated by this incident: A woman owning a store who knew General Bogaiewski, in charge of the soldiery, implored his aid. He wired back: "You and your apothecary are under protection", and she was not harmed.
This is the story as told me by two witnesses, Dr L Pinnes and Rabbi Mohilerver. The letter suffered severe property losses and narrowly escaped with his life and family.
The Duma Commission in their report (already submitted by me for translation to be made Exhibit 10) goes more fully into detail. It shows that as early as May 3d the sergeants in one of the regimental barracks were commanded to communicate to the soldiers that on the 1st of the following June a Catholic procession would take
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place, among which the Jews would throw a bomb and there would be a pogrom. On May 21st, it states a general order was given to the 16th Division of Infantry that on June 1st a much larger number of pickets should be posted in the place. All this was before the murder of the Chief of Police, Derkacheff, which occurred May 26th.
The report further says: "From Thursday to Saturday there was a continuous fusillade in the town, as on a battlefield, although no enemy was in sight. The fusillade was directed only against the Jews. If a Christian walked through the street, nobody assailed him, but as soon as a Jew appeared, bullets flew at him from all sides. It was not a struggle between two adversaries; it was a hunt by armed even on unarmed people. . . . . . . During all this time the secret agents of the police were endeavoring to provoke fresh disturbances and supply a fresh pretext for further attacks upon the Jews. The police fired and attributed the firing to the Jews. They called upon the military to fire upon the Jews . . . . . . It was murder, committed by the police and the military. All the bodies of the killed during those two days bore bullet marks and bayonet wounds and very seldom injuries caused by sticks or stones".
The report tells of the awful scenes of murder, giving names and details, that occurred at the railway station while the Governor himself was present at the station.
In its summing up the Commission says: "The pogrom was prepared, even the day was appointed. It is therefore clear that the pogrom was not an accidental occurrence provoked by national or religious hatred. The preparation of
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the pogrom for a day when christian processions are held, and when the fanatical mob is usually very much excited, means that an appropriate moment was selected. . . . .It is impossible to believe that without preparation a pogrom would have broken out so quickly and in many places simultaneously. . . . .We find that before the pogrom the leaders of the Jewish community communicated to Mr Kister, the Governor, that they were in a state of panic concerning the preparations for a pogrom. They indicated Sheremetieff as a person who had even appointed the day for the pogrom, branding him as an enemy of the Jewish people. The governor replied that Sheremetieff was his most courageous and energetic official. The pogrom breaks out. The governor arrives during the day at Bialystock and stays a long time at the railway station. . . . . .There Hooligans are murdering the Jews, but the governor makes no effort to stay the massacre. . . . . One must suppose either that the Governor knew of the approaching pogrom, and when it began took no steps to quell it because the pogrom was ordered and necessary, or somebody had secretly taken away from the Governor the power to act in the matter."
Continuing its summing up, the commission states: "One must remark that when on June 2 members of the Imperial Duma presented a petition to the Minister at St. Petersburg to stop the pogrom, he declared he would wire immediately to order that vigorous measures be taken. Nevertheless many Jews were killed on June 2 at five in the afternoon till June 3d in the morning. Where then were the so-called measures? Were orders given and not
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taken? This idea is too absurd. It was more likely that at Bialystock it was not considered necessary to pay any heed to the instructions of the minister because of the existence of instructions emanating from a power higher than that of the minister-- a power that guaranteed immunity and which approved their criminal actions.
"Considering both the conduct of the Governor and the futility of the Minister's measures, we are forced to the conviction that the pogrom was directed by some secret power-- a power which may or may not be known to the authorities".
In its conclusions the Commission finds that "The official communication as to the cause of the pogrom, namely, an attack by the Jews on the Catholic religious procession, revolutionary acts by the Jews, etc., is without foundation".
In the course of the debate on the report of the Duma, the further information was given that among the troops were none killed and but three wounded, and there was evidence from an officer that these were shot by their own comrades accidentally in a cross fusillade in a garden.
Four persons who suffered in the pogrom told me some of its incidents. These were:
I Ephraim Chazan. [underlined] Pogrom started at his house on Deutsche St. Went to police for aid. Met four policemen with a superior officer in front of building. Latter said on seeing him: "Have you saved yourself; how did you save yourself?" Without more ado drew saber and hit him across nose. I saw signs of it. Would not allow him to enter building.
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II Moses Berechowitz, [underlined], Institute St. Seven or eight soldiers came into courtyard where his wife and brother in law (Simel Zukerman) had flown for shelter, fired at them and killed Simel. Policeman Carpol living in same court called out to the soldiers not to shoot there, as his family lived there.
III Notel Lapidus [underlined]: Received note from a Jewish soldier, Krakowsky, day before pogrom that it would take place, advising him not to venture forth as there would be none in his street. Took 40 into his home. Had gone out however feeling safe. On return saw shooting [the rest of the page is handwritten] going on and sought to get into the house, the soldiers cried: "You Jew, you want to get in there, and fired a shot at him.
[Part IV is handwritten on a piece of paper that was pasted to the page over typed text.]
IV. Bertha Lapidos: [underlined] Daughter foregoing. Four soldiers came into house and an officer remained in front of it. Ordered them all out. Got into courtyard when other soldiers drove them out into street. Went into house next door. From there saw them wreck their home. Poured ink on what couldn't carry away. Saw soldiers shooting continually into houses above [strikethrough] windows above while plundering going on below. Sought to leave her hiding place. Policeman said no use, they would find her & kill her anyhow.
Report [part of the original typed text that was pasted over]
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II Moses Berechowitz, [underlined], Institute St. Seven or eight soldiers came into courtyard where his wife and brother in law (Simel Zukerman) had flown for shelter, fired at them and killed Simel. Policeman Carpol living in same court
[the reverse of Part IV from previous page, backwards and upside down]
An investigation into the circumstances of the death of 68 persons was made by Mr David Neinberg, of the Jewish Colonisation Association in St. Petersburg, and Mr Sigmund Frumkin, one of the leaders of the Jewish community of Warsaw.
Some of these are referred to in the Duma report, but are more elaborated herein. I gave some of these narratives as appendix 11.
I have included those that are referred to in the Duma Report.
[Bottom margin, 30 handwritten]This primary source comes from the Records of the Immigration and Naturalization Service.
National Archives Identifier:
602984Full Citation: Cowen Report - European Investigation Entry No. 9; 1906 - 1907; File No. 51411/056; Subject and Policy Files, 1893 - 1957; Records of the Immigration and Naturalization Service, Record Group 85; National Archives Building, Washington, DC. [Online Version, https://www.docsteach.org/documents/document/bialystock-pogrom, April 24, 2024]